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Japan general election 2005 - Issues

Japan general election 2005 - Issues: Encyclopedia II - Japan general election 2005 - Issues

Prime Minister Koizumi had tried to make the election a referendum on the privatization of Japan Post and reforms that follow, saying that he would step down if the ruling bloc fails to secure a majority. Indeed, the DPJ, which did not have a clear position on the privatization issue previously, was forced to come up with a alternative plan to shrink public savings in Japan Post over years to come. In addition, his personality was featured as prominently as policy in the election, as the electorate were asked to determine whether Koizumi's behavior, variously described as either determined or pug ...

See also:

Japan general election 2005, Japan general election 2005 - Background, Japan general election 2005 - Issues, Japan general election 2005 - Election, Japan general election 2005 - Polls and results

Japan general election 2005, Japan general election 2005 - Background, Japan general election 2005 - Election, Japan general election 2005 - Issues, Japan general election 2005 - Polls and results

Japan general election 2005: Encyclopedia II - Japan general election 2005 - Issues



Japan general election 2005 - Issues

Prime Minister Koizumi had tried to make the election a referendum on the privatization of Japan Post and reforms that follow, saying that he would step down if the ruling bloc fails to secure a majority. Indeed, the DPJ, which did not have a clear position on the privatization issue previously, was forced to come up with a alternative plan to shrink public savings in Japan Post over years to come. In addition, his personality was featured as prominently as policy in the election, as the electorate were asked to determine whether Koizumi's behavior, variously described as either determined or pugnacious, was acceptable for a Japanese prime minister.

The main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), consisting of former LDP members and liberals, saw the election as a chance to end the LDP's nearly continuous 50-year control of the government and to start reforms of government spending and employees. Many analysts believe that the DPJ would be less beholden to special interests than the entrenched LDP, and a change of government is vital to lead to a true democracy in Japan. On 10 August, Katsuya Okada, the leader of the DPJ, said that he would resign if the DPJ failed to take over the government, paralleling Koizumi's stated intention [3].

In domestic policy both the ruling bloc and the DPJ differed little; both concurred in the need to seek small government in general by cutting public works spending and reducing government employees, in contrast to the views of other small parties. Also, to a degree they did not deny the need for the future increase of the consumption tax and revoke temporary tax cut in order to improve the financial health of the government, which is the worst among the developed countries and nears that in wartime, and to cover the rising social security costs due to Japan's aging and declining population [4]. The DPJ leadership even admitted that, if they won the control of the government, they would not revert Koizumi's four-year-long reforms but redo them with more vigor and thoroughness.

Outside Japan, there had been much speculation about how the election could change foreign relations, since foreign policy is one of the major differences between the LDP and the DPJ. The LDP's Koizumi has been notable for his foreign policies supportive of U.S. President George W. Bush. In particular, the administration has faithfully supported the Iraq War, sending JSDF troops to Iraq in spite of public opposition and the country's pacifist constitution. Moreover, the relationship between Japan and China deteriorated in early 2005, when Koizumi and other conservative Japanese politicians angered China through their visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, amongst other actions. In contrast, Okada, the leader of the main opposition DPJ, has said he would pull the troops out of Iraq by December 2005 if he wins the government. He also pledged that he would not visit Yasukuni Shrine; this could noticeably improve foreign relations with South Korea and China. However, in Japan, foreign policy issues had drawn almost no attention during the campaign [5].

Other related archives

10 August, 11 September, 17 August, 2000, 2003, 2004, 2005, 8 August, Akihito, Asahi Shimbun, August 8, Cabinet, China, Constitution, Constitution of Japan, December 2005, Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Japan, Elections, Emperor, Fiscal policy, Foreign policy, George W. Bush, Government, Hiroshima, House of Councillors, House of Representatives, Ichiro Ozawa, Imperial Household Agency, Imperial Ordinance, Iraq, Iraq War, JSDF, Japan, Japan New Party, Japan Post, Japanese Communist Party, Judicial system, Junichiro Koizumi, Kanagawa, Katsuya Okada, Koizumi Junichiro, Liberal Democratic Party, Liberal Democratic Party (Japan), Ministries, Mori Yoshiro, Morihiro Hosokawa, Nagano, National Diet, New Clean Government Party, New Komeito, New Komeito Party, New Party Japan, Osaka, People's New Party, Political extremism, Political parties, Politics of Japan, Prime Minister, Results of Japan general election, 2005, Shizuka Kamei, Social Democratic Party, South Korea, Takafumi Horie, Tokyo, Toyota, Yasukuni Shrine, Yasuo Tanaka, constituency, consumption tax, dissolved, last election, last general election, list, lower house, lower-house election, no confidence vote, pacifist constitution, privatize, proportional representation, snap election, tax cut, two-party system, two-thirds majority, upper house



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