Olmec - Olmec art - Encyclopedia II

Much Olmec art is highly stylized and uses an iconography reflective of the religious meaning of the artworks. Some Olmec art, however, is surprisingly naturalistic, displaying an accuracy of depiction of human anatomy perhaps equaled in the Pre-Columbian New World only by the best Maya Classic era art. Olmec artforms emphasize monumental statuary and small jade carvings. A common theme is to be found in representations of a divine jaguar. Olmec figurines were also found abundantly through their period.

A team of archaeologists using NAA (neutron activation analysis) to compare over 1000 ancient Mesoamerican Olmec-style ceramic artifacts with 275 samples of clay so as to "fingerprint" pottery origination found "that the Olmec packaged and exported their beliefs throughout the region in the form of specialized ceramic designs and forms, which quickly became hallmarks of elite status in various regions of ancient Mexico" (Archaeological Institute of America, March 28, 2005 ).

See [2] for photographs of an ancient Olmec "Bird Vessel" and bowl, both ceramic and dating to circa 1000 BC. Other ancient artifacts are listed (no photographs) at [3]. Ceramics are produced in kilns capable of exceeding approximately 900° C (see pottery). The only other prehistoric culture known to have achieved such high temperatures is that of Ancient Egypt ([4]; also see faience).

Perhaps the best-recognized Olmec art are the enormous helmeted heads. As no known pre-Columbian text explains these, these impressive monuments have been the subject of much speculation. These seem to be portraits of famous ball players, as the headgear is similar to that worn by players of the Mesoamerican ballgame in other monuments. Perhaps they depict kings rigged out in the accouterments of the game.

Some writers have pointed to the full lips and broad noses of these monuments as evidence that the Olmec were actually from Africa or (in a more recent variation on the suggestion) that they represent supposed evidence of some Mesoamerican-African intermarriages. Mainstream scholars have remained unconvinced by this suggestion. They have pointed out that not all people with broad noses and full lips are African; some Native Americans of this region still display these traits today without any other evidence of African ancestry. Full lips and short, broad noses are the norm among Mesoamericans and tropical Mongoloids. It is also noted that the colossal heads show eye folds found in the local Mesoamericans, but not in most Africans. Some of these features are also present among the Khoisan and San Bushmen, suggesting a possible connection to the once widely spread Negrito peoples. These are thought to represent an early migratory group, and are still present in parts of Southeast Asia.

What is traditionally called the “were-jaguar” motif is the most distinctive and enigmatic design of Olmec art and iconography. Most commonly found depicted as figurines of were-jaguar babies, the motif can also be found carved into jade “votive axes” and celts, engraved onto various portable figurines of jade and jadeite materials, and depicted on several altars at La Venta. Typically characterized by almond-shaped eyes and fleshy lips, different variations on the motif can also include a cleft head, a toothless mouth, the presence of jaguar-like fangs, or some combination of these qualities. The motif was designated as “were-jaguar” because of the combination of human, generally baby-like, characteristics and potential jaguar-like qualities such as fangs and the cleft head that is characteristic of male jaguars. However, scholars have yet to come agreement on the meaning behind the were-jaguar motif.

Originally scholars believed that the predominance of the were-jaguar motif was possibly connected to a religious mythology that derived from the story of copulation between a male jaguar and a female human. Murals and statues from sites like Chalcatzingo and Potrero Nuevo seemed to reinforce this idea. However, scholars like Carolyn Tate (1999), Carson Murdy (1981), Whitney Davis (1978), and Peter Furst (1981) have proposed alternative ideas for the notions of human-jaguar copulation and the representation of jaguar characteristics.

Davis (1978) suggests, for instance, that the depictions of human-jaguar copulation on monuments at Laguna de los Cerros, Potrero Nuevo, and Rio Chiquito, as well as reliefs as Chalcatzingo, are perhaps the beginnings of a jaguar cult or are representative of conquest in battle rather than something more sexual. Rather than viewing the people and jaguar-figures in sexual situations, Davis sees the jaguar, or man in jaguar pelts, as an aggressor towards a defeated opponent. Most of the figures in the reliefs and monuments are clothed in loincloths, which would negate copulation, and Davis believes those that are naked appear dead or dying rather than in a sexual posture. It is not uncommon to see unclothed human figures as representative of dead captives or opponents in battle, as in the Danzantes of Monte Alban.

Even before Davis (1978) questioned the idea of a belief system centering on human-jaguar copulation, scholars like Michael Coe (1962) looked for other biological causes for the fleshy lips, cleft head, and toothless mouths that make up the were-jaguar motif. Genetic abnormalities like Down syndrome and spina bifida have been common explanations. People afflicted with spina bifida in particular present developmental defects that coincide with the were-jaguar characteristics. One such condition is encephaloceles, which among other things, can cause separation of the cranial sutures and result in depression, or cleft, in the head (Murdy 1981:863). Cranium bifidum can produce similar results. In addition, there is a higher chance of these conditions occurring within the same family, than randomly throughout the population (Murdy 1981: 863). If children born with this affliction were seen as divine or special in some way, multiple births of affected children within a family or familial line would have reinforced that family’s political and religious power.

Other ideas about the meaning of the were-jaguar motif question whether or not the diagnostic traits of the motif actually represent a jaguar. The cleft head of the “were-jaguar” is most often called into question. The cleft has been seen to represent a trait of the toad, as a “gender-specific female symbol” (Furst 1981: 151), or as distinguishing mark of a rain or maize supernatural being.

Several characteristics of the toad have led some to believe that the were-jaguar motif does not actually represent a jaguar. Species of toad that are commonly found in Mesoamerica, like Bufo marinus or Bufo valliceps have the pronounced cleft in the head, and like all toads have a fleshy mouth with toothless gums. These species of toad are known to have ceremonial and hallucinogenic properties for many cultures of Mesoamerica. Skeletal remains of these species, particularly B. marinus, have been found at several archaeological sites in Mesoamerica including Olmec ceremonial centers.

Those were-jaguar representations that have fangs commonly attributed as jaguar fangs can also be explained as toad-like. Several times a year, mature toads shed their skin. As the old skin is shed, the toad will eat it. As the skin is eaten it hangs out of the toad’s mouth and closely resembles the fangs of the were-jaguar. The process of regeneration could have symbolized death and rebirth in the earth and its maize crops. The toad then would have been seen as holding powers connected to rain and maize, which the Mesoamericans would have to draw upon through religious artifacts like the were-jaguar celts or the Las Limas figure.

Despite many possibilities for the origin of the were-jaguar motif, most scholars conclude that the were-jaguar is an early symbol for a rain and/or maize supernatural being. Contemporary studies of Mixe shamanism and indigenous beliefs show similarities to Olmec ritual practices that have been discovered through archaeology. Both the modern and ancient practices are connected to ideas represented in design elements of the were-jaguar motif. It is commonly accepted that the Olmec spoke some form of a Mixe-Zoquean language, and are most likely the ancestors of modern Mixe speakers, at least in language and now religious practices.

It is suggested that the key to understanding the religious connotations of the were-jaguar motif can be found by comparing the large serpentine mosaic offerings found at La Venta to contemporary Mixe indigenous beliefs. At La Venta, large mosaics in the form of the were-jaguar were buried deep underground, possibly creating a source of spiritual power. The mosaics potentially represent beliefs that are still found in the Mixe culture today. For example, the Mixe spiritual entity for water and life is closely associated with the term “fontanelle”. A fontanelle is the area of incompletely formed cranial bones in infants and is thought of as a means of communication with gods or deities in several indigenous North American cultures. The cleft head in the were-jaguar motif could represent the fontanelle associated with the Mixe water supernatural.

The were-jaguar motif has also been associated with the bar-and-four-dots design, found on the La Venta mosaics as well as many other were-jaguar designs in the form of a headband with four dots, or maize seeds, on it. The bar-and-four-dots is seen by many archaeologists as a symbol of earth and fertility. In modern Mixe culture, the earth supernatural being is associated with the northern direction and the color dark green (Tate 1999: 179). The La Venta mosaics can be related to these contemporary beliefs because the mosaics are located on the northern axis of La Venta and are made from dark green stones. At La Venta, it is easily seen how the were-jaguar motif relates to both rain and earth/maize spiritual entities.

Adapted from the Wikipedia article "Olmec art", under the G.N U Free Docmentation License. Please also see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main_Page