Nationalism: Encyclopedia II - Nationalism - Types of nationalism

Nationalism - Types of nationalism

Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular (non-state) movement and may be expressed along civic, ethnic, cultural, religious or ideological lines. These self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can also be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location.

Some political theorists make the case that any distinction between forms of nationalism is false. In all forms of nationalism, the populations believe that they share some kind of common culture, and culture can never be wholly separated from ethnicity. The United States, for example, has "God" on its coinage and in its Pledge of Allegiance, and designates official holidays which are seen by some to promote cultural biases. The United States has an ethnic theory of being American (nativism), and had a committee to investigate Un-American Activities.

Civic nationalism (also civil nationalism) is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, from the degree to which it represents the "will of the people". It is often seen as originating with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and especially the social contract theories which take their name from his 1762 book The Social Contract. Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is contrasted with ethnic nationalism. Membership of the civic nation is considered voluntary. Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy in countries such as the United States and France.

Ethnic nationalism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity, which always includes some element of descent from previous generations. It also includes ideas of a culture shared between members of the group and with their ancestors, and usually a shared language. Membership in the nation is hereditary. The state derives political legitimacy from its status as homeland of the ethnic group, and from its function to protect the national group and facilitate its cultural and social life, as a group. Ideas of ethnicity are very old, but modern ethnic nationalism was heavily influenced by Johann Gottfried von Herder, who promoted the concept of the Volk, and Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Ethnic nationalism is now the dominant form, and is often simply referred to as "nationalism". Note that the theorist Anthony Smith uses the term 'ethnic nationalism' for non-Western concepts of nationalism, as opposed to Western views of a nation defined by its geographical territory.

Romantic nationalism (also organic nationalism, identity nationalism) is the form of ethnic nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy as a natural ("organic") consequence and expression of the nation, or race. It reflected the ideals of Romanticism and was opposed to Enlightenment rationalism. Romantic nationalism emphasised a historical ethnic culture which meets the Romantic Ideal; folklore developed as a Romantic nationalist concept. The Brothers Grimm were inspired by Herder's writings to create an idealised collection of tales which they labeled as ethnically German. Historian Jules Michelet exemplifies French romantic-nationalist history.

Cultural nationalism defines the nation by shared culture. Membership in the nation is neither voluntary (you cannot instantly acquire a culture), nor hereditary (children of members may be considered foreigners if they grew up in another culture). Chinese nationalism is one example of cultural nationalism, partly because of the many national minorities in China. (The 'Chinese nationalists' include those on Taiwan who reject the mainland Chinese government but claim the mainland Chinese state).

State nationalism is a variant on civic nationalism, very often combined with ethnic nationalism. It implies that the nation is a community of those who contribute to the maintenance and strength of the state, and that the individual exists to contribute to this goal. Italian fascism is the best example, epitomised in this slogan of Mussolini: "Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato." ("Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State"). It is no surprise that this conflicts with liberal ideals of individual liberty, and with liberal-democratic principles. The Jacobin creation of a unitary and centralist French state is often seen as the original version of state nationalism. Franquist Spain, and contemporary Turkish nationalism are later examples of state nationalism.

However, the term "state nationalism" is often used in conflicts between nationalisms, and especially where a secessionist movement confronts an established nation state. The secessionists speak of state nationalism to discredit the legitimacy of the larger state, since state nationalism is perceived as less authentic and less democratic. Flemish separatists speak of Belgian nationalism as a state nationalism. Basque separatists (ETA) and Corsican separatists refer to Spain and France, respectively, in this way. In return, the larger state can call them terrorists. There are no undisputed external criteria to assess which side is right, and the result is usually that the population is divided by conflicting appeals to its loyalty and patriotism.

Religious nationalism defines the nation in terms of shared religion. If the state derives political legitimacy from adherence to religious doctrines, then it is may be more of a theocracy than a nation-state. In practice, many ethnic and cultural nationalisms are in some ways religious in character. The religion is a marker of group identity, rather than the motivation for nationalist claims. Irish nationalism is associated with Catholicism, and most Irish nationalist leaders of the last 100 years were Catholic, but many of the early (18th century) nationalists were Protestant. Irish nationalism never centred on theological distinctions like transubstantiation, the status of the Virgin Mary, or the primacy of the Pope, but for some Protestants in Northern Ireland, these pre-Reformation doctrines are indeed part of Irish culture. Similarly, although Religious Zionism exists, the mainstream of Zionism is more secular in nature, and based on culture and ethnicity. Since the partition of British India, Indian nationalism is associated with Hinduism. In modern India, a contemporary form of Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva has been prominent among many followers of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

Diaspora nationalism (or, as Benedict Anderson terms it, "long-distance nationalism") generally refers to nationalist feeling among a diaspora such as the Irish in the United States, or the Lebanese in the Americas and Africa[1]. Anderson states that this sort of nationalism acts as a "phantom bedrock" for people who want to experience a national connection, but who do not actually want to leave their diaspora community.

Nationalism - Nationalism within nations

With the establishment of a nation-state, the primary goal of any nationalist movement has been achieved. However, nationalism does not disappear but remains a political force within each nation, and inspires political parties and movements. The terms nationalist and 'nationalist politician’ are often used to describe these movements; nationalistic would be more accurate. Nationalists in this sense typically campaign for:

• strengthening national unity, including campaigns for national salvation in times of crisis.
• emphasising the national identity and rejecting foreign influences, influenced by cultural conservatism and xenophobia.
• limiting non-national populations on the national territory, especially by limiting immigration and, in extreme cases, by ethnic cleansing.
• annexing territory which is considered part of the national homeland. This is called irredentism, from the Italian movement Italia irredenta.
• economic nationalism, which is the promotion of the national interest in economic policy, especially through protectionism and in opposition to free trade policies.

Nationalist parties and nationalist politicians, in this sense, usually place great emphasis on national symbols, such as the national flag.

The term 'nationalism' is also used by extension, or as a metaphor, to describe movements which promote a group identity of some kind. This use is especially common in the United States, and includes black nationalism and white nationalism in a cultural sense. They may overlap with nationalism in the classic sense, including black secessionist movements and pan-Africanism.

Nationalists obviously have a positive attitude toward their own nation, although this is not a definition of nationalism. The emotional appeal of nationalism is visible even in established and stable nation-states. The social psychology of nations includes national identity (the individual’s sense of belonging to a group), and national pride (self-association with the success of the group). National pride is related to the cultural influence of the nation, and its economic and political strength - although they may be exaggerated. However the most important factor is that the emotions are shared: nationalism in sport includes the shared disappointment if the national team loses.

The emotions can be purely negative: a shared sense of threat can unify the nation. However, dramatic events, such as defeat in war, can qualitatively affect national identity and attitudes to non-national groups. The defeat of Germany in World War I, and the perceived humiliation by the Treaty of Versailles, economic crisis and hyperinflation, created a climate for xenophobia, revanchism, and the rise of Nazism. The solid bourgeois patriotism of the pre-1914 years, with the Kaiser as national father-figure, was no longer relevant.

Nationalism - Post-2001 nationalism in the United States

The September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States led to a wave of nationalist expression. While there was a groundswell of international outrage over the attacks and support for the American public after the attacks, the United States' nationalism has been difficult for some outside of the United States to understand and accept. In post-WWII Western Europe and, particularly in France, the United Kingdom and Germany, many have tended to view any ostentatious display of flags and national symbols as excessive.

Many believe that the surge in nationalism enabled a number of major changes in U.S. national policy. The USA PATRIOT Act, which was signed into law on October 26, 2001, was (many believe ostensibly) designed to combat terrorism, but is considered by many to constitute a harmful assault on civil liberties. It is also possible that the nationalist surge created a political climate favorable for the George W. Bush administration in the lead up to wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Like almost all wars, the conflicts themselves appear to have increased nationalist feeling, in various nations, not simply in the US. For example, nationalist anti-American sentiment among Canadians has been observed to have increased dramatically since the invasion of Iraq in 2003 2006 Liberal Canadian Press Room As casualties have increased, opposition to the continued occupation and reconstruction in Afghanistan and Iraq has persisted, and even taken the form of efforts in the US House of Representatives to pass legislation to expedite U.S. evacuation of Iraq. Polls in late 2005 showed President Bush' public approval ratings to be some of the lowest of any President on record, and this has been attributed by increasingly vocal "anti-war" proponents that there has been a putative increase in "opposition to the war." Others counter that the "war" is really now a post-war occupation and police action requisite to the long-term stabilization, and democratization of Iraq and Afghanistan. The claims made by these two sides resemble in some ways a pattern seen in the closing years of the U.S. 30-year involvment in nation-building in Vietnam Vietnam War. However, one major distinction is that the U.S. presence in Vietnam underwent a gradual escalation over many years, and never involved the complete removal of anti-Western governments in Northern Vietnam, as has happened in Iraq.

Many of those who supported the Iraq War consider those who opposed the war, and/or the ongoing reconstruction process to be impractically idealistic, self-righteous, and hypocritical. Some proponents of the Iraq War invoke arguments of Nation-building, which are reminiscent of 19th century American notions of Manifest destiny. Some also explicitly accuse non-supporters of being unpatriotic, if not treasonous. Several commentators supportive of the war have indicated they feel that news that paints the US in a negative light is giving aid and comfort to the enemy because it undermines the national solidarity of the U.S. to commit sufficiently to achieve final victory in the War on terrorism. Since war opponents tend to resent such accusations, the political debate has taken place in an atmosphere of unremitting partisan hostility.

Despite resounding victories over main military forces in both countries Operation Enduring Freedom has yielded relatively slow progress in reforms in the politics of Afghanistan, and the Reconstruction of Iraq, although as of January 2006 both countries have taken first steps toward democratic political reforms which could be foundations for long-term peaceful, stable, and just nations Afghan Parliament Convenes, Impending Iraqi Nationwide Elections. The long-term benefits of these incomplete and still inconclusive reformation and reconstruction processes were the putative purpose claimed by many proponents of increased American nationalism following September 11, 2001. Parallel to this slow progress, debates continue about the true motives and ethical dimensions of the military actions that preceded these nation-building projects. Issues of nationalism are key to these ongoing debates, for example, whether these U.S.-led actions constitute exploitative imperialism, or instead are an innovative form of prudent and mutualistic cosmopolitanism. The acrimony, and partisanship in such debates may result in part from a culture of fear driven by Media Bias toward coverage of violence in both countries committed especially by the Iraqi Insurgency against foreign occupiers, and those who are deemed as "collaborators" with the Coalition.

Many detractors of the U.S.-led Coalition of nations which invaded Afghanistan and Iraq have labeled these military actions as imperialistic, for example by invoking tropes such as "war for oil," which are reminiscent of oil imperialism theories Oil imperialism. War proponents dispute these claims as being ironic, and counter that these military actions are manifestations of international cooperation to police against tyrannical regimes, for example the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the Baath Party in Iraq. Moreover, proponents argue that these invasions and occupations are necessary steps to reform the sociopolitical milieux from whence so-called terrorism and Combative jihad arise. Many of the debates and arguments which have emerged in the wake of these wars resemble those between "Hawks" and "Doves" who disagreed about U.S. Anti-Communism foreign policy during the Cold War in that current debates continue to hinge on disagreements about tradeoffs between national identity, national-security, and national sovereignty of the Anglo-American and coalition nations, versus other nations.

Because sociopolitical developments in Afghanistan and Iraq (e.g., elections, and legal reforms) resulting from these military actions are still ongoing it is perhaps too early for historians to conclude which of these partisan positions is more accurate. However, supporters of ongoing post-War nation-building in Iraq and Afghanistan point to the history of modern Western Europe and Japan as an indicator of what may eventually come to pass in the Middle East with sufficient international solidarity (sociology) and commitment. Despite experiencing de facto occupation and reconstruction by Anglo-American military forces for decades following WWII (e.g., see Marshall Plan), nations like France, Japan, and Germany were subsequently granted full independence by their Anglo-American occupiers, and are today, once again, three of the most economically powerful and internationally-influential independent sovereignties on Earth.

Nationalism - Nationalism and extremism

Although nationalism influences many aspects of life in stable nation-states, its presence is often invisible, since the nation-state is taken for granted. Michael Billig speaks of banal nationalism, the everyday, less visible forms of nationalism, which shape the minds of a nation's inhabitants on a day-to-day basis. Attention concentrates on extreme aspects, and on nationalism in unstable regions. Nationalism may be used as a derogatory label for groups which may be no more nationalist than the rest of the population. In Western democracies, xenophobic and anti-immigrant groups often refer to themselves as nationalist, to avoid the even more pejorative term racist. These parties may have a large electorate, and be represented in parliament. Smaller but highly visible groups, such as nationalist skinheads, also self-identify in this way, although it may be a euphemism for national-socialist or white supremacist. Activists in other countries are often referred to as ultra-nationalists, with a clearly pejorative meaning. See also chauvinism and jingoism.

Nationalism is a component of other political ideologies, and above all fascism, and the term extremism is often used in this context. However it is not accurate to simply describe fascism as a more extreme form of nationalism. Fascism in the general sense, and the Italian original, were marked by a strong combination of ethnic nationalism and state nationalism. That was certainly evident in Nazism. However the geopolitical aspirations of Adolf Hitler are probably better described as imperialist, and Nazi Germany ultimately ruled over vast areas where there was no historic German presence. The Nazi state was so different from the typical European nation-state, that it was sui generis (requires a category of its own).

That could be said of Stalinism as well. Josef Stalin was an expert on nationalism, and his definition of a nation is quoted in all theoretical works. Under his regime, the Soviet Union pursued a policy of defining and encouraging national identities in the Soviet Republics and autonomous regions. Nevertheless, they were denied sovereignty, and in many cases there was a contradictory Russification policy. A similar approach was taken to the countries in Eastern Europe occupied by Soviet troops in 1945. The regime also encouraged an ambiguous 'Soviet' (in reality Russian) identity, with a strong nationalist character, especially during World War II (the Great Patriotic War).

Nationalism - Racism

Nationalism does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one nation over others, but in practice many nationalists think that way about their own nation. Occasionally they believe another nation can serve as an example for their own nation, see Anglophilia. There is a specific racial nationalism which can be considered an ethnic nationalism, but some form of racism can be found within almost all nationalist movements. It is usually directed at neighbouring nations and ethnic groups.

Racism was also a feature of colonialist ideologies, which were especially strong at the end of the 19th century. Strictly speaking, overseas colonies conflict with the principles of the nation-state, since they are not part of the historic homeland of the nation, and their inhabitants clearly do not belong to the same ethnic group, speak its language, or share its culture. In practice, nationalists sometimes combined a belief in self-determination in Europe, with colonisation in Africa or Asia.

Explicit biological race theory was influential from the end of the 19th century. Nationalist and fascist movements in the first half of the 20th century often appealed to these theories. The Nazi ideology was probably the most comprehensively racial ideology in history, and race influenced all aspects of policy in Nazi Germany. The defeat of Nazi Germany, and above all the Holocaust, discredited race theories and racial nationalism after 1945.

Nevertheless racism continues to be an influence on nationalism. Ethnic cleansing is often seen as both a nationalist and racist phenomenon. It is part of nationalist logic that the state is reserved for one nation, but not all nation-states expel their minorities. The best known recent examples of ethnic cleansing are those during the Yugoslav secession war in the 1990s. Other examples seen as related to racism include the removal of Germans from the Volga Republic during the 1950s, and the extermination of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915.

Adapted from the Wikipedia article "Types of nationalism", under the G.N U Free Docmentation License. Please also see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki